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Photo by María José Govea. Courtesy of the artist.

“I’m obsessed with simplicity,” the Detroit-born artist and anthropologist Maya Stovall says, speaking of her practice. Her most recent show, LUX, at White Columns in New York, featured Stovall’s “1526 (NASDAQ: FAANG)” series, in which each year is written out in white neon denoting a significant event in the histories of Black people in America. “1526″ for the first successful slave rebellion in American history; “2014” for the Detroit Water Crisis.

The years represented function as data points, expressing the realities of racial oppression, struggle, erasure, and claim staking in the United States. What’s past is more than prologue, the works insist. History reverberates in the present; the effects of white supremacy are felt by Black Americans each day with the immediacy of a neon sign glowing in a store window.

Such windows are found at liquor stores across Detroit’s McDougall-Hunt neighborhood, where the artist lived and worked from 2012 and 2018. These liquor stores form the focus of Stovall’s “Liquor Store Theatre” project, a six year-long artistic and ethnographic study of McDougall-Hunt, which unfolds across a series of thirty videos, featured in the 2017 Whitney Biennial, and book published this winter by Duke University Press.

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For each video, Stovall staged an unannounced, choreographed dance performance at the site of a local liquor store, and after dancing, interviewed members of her impromptu audience about their views on the neighborhood, their city, and its future. Scenes of these interviews and performances are cut together in the videos, the voices of Stovall and residents mingling with the dance’s ambient techno score, Detroit-style electronica. The interviews their reflect an intense awareness of Detroit’s binary representation in American media: either a dead metropolis, or a city on the comeback. In “Liquor Store Theatre,” Detroiters return the nation’s speculative gaze, contradicting assumptions and dispelling popular myths.

Stovall’s new book on the project reflects on all that happened off-camera, delving deeply into the work’s theoretical and historical background, as well as the close relationships the artist developed with her key subjects over time. As in Stovall’s neon works, a simple premise—in this case, a dance at a liquor store—opens the door for critical sociopolitical analysis. Today, Stovall, an assistant professor at Cal Poly Pomona, splits her time between Detroit, where she’s represented by Reyes|Finn, and L.A. Free alex cross books online. County. On the occasion of her book’s publication, Interview called up Stovall in L.A. to talk about the project and her practice.

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ELLA HUZENIS: You’re a fourth-generation Detroiter. What was your experience like growing up in the city, and how did your life there orient your research on Detroit in “Liquor Store Theatre?”

MAYA STOVALL: Yeah, my family’s been in Detroit for a very long time, since the mid-19th century. I grew up in a neighborhood called Woodbridge. It’s a hot neighborhood now. My parents bought a house there when I was a baby. I’m thinking of this image that’s reeling through my mind of riding my bike as a super little girl. I had just learned how to ride a bike. I was five, seven, something like that, and I could only ride to the end of the block, which amounted to 100 meters, if that. And so, I would ride to this corner, turn back, ride to the corner, and turn back. And there was always this white man standing on the corner, across the street in front of this apartment building. It’s a hot apartment building now, but then it was a pre-gut rehab, so it was in shambles.

And so, I was riding my little pink bike with sparkly pink streamers, and I would get to the corner, turn back, get to the corner, turn back. And this White man was always watching me. I remember wondering, “What is this man doing in front of this house all the time?” The house was probably a crack house. The neighborhood, at that time, was full of professional families, artists, multi-ethnic families. Majority Black, but highly multi-ethnic as well. Lots of crack around. Lots of cocaine. I think I was aware of it at that point. I knew that something was going on in that apartment building. I was always told, “Don’t cross the street,” and I never did. I really lived a lot of the different phases of development in Detroit, and really was steeped in it from hearing stories of prior generations’ experiences. Everything that you could think of, I kind of have touched on it with family, or have heard stories. That’s a big part of my interest in cities broadly, and my obsession with Detroit. You think about the first time you sliced an orange open and smelled the citrus—smelled the pineyness and the woodsiness—and just sort of let that take you over. The freshness and the oldness at the same time. That kind of feeling is Detroit, and I’m interested in that feeling.

Maya Stovall, “1526 (1526 NASDAQ: FAANG), no. 1,” 2019. Photo by Marc Tatti. Courtesy of the artist and White Columns.

HUZENIS: How did your focus turn to McDougall-Hunt?

STOVALL: I was really looking around at that point for studio spaces and a space that was possible to live and work in one space. I wanted a big space. Detroit has a lot of post-industrial or post-capital spaces, so I ended up finding this bank in McDougall-Hunt that was massive and formerly abandoned. It was a former Comerica Bank, and so the space was just perfect. McDougall-Hunt is a really storied bridge to cultural history. I became really intrigued by the neighborhood. I think it’s a neighborhood where in the post-bankruptcy moment, a lot of contradictions are visible and visceral, so the landscape of the neighborhood itself demands attention. I guess I was just really tired of reading badly done journalism and unwittingly taking part in badly done journalism about Detroit, and about what’s happening—poor, impoverished representations of the city. So, in terms of my anthropological interest, I was interested in doing a project that would demand consideration of some of these problems that I saw or observed.

HUZENIS: And when you moved to the neighborhood, did the presence of these liquor stores immediately capture your attention as a frame for these contradictions?

STOVALL: Yeah. There’s this little snack that sort of crystallizes some of this. It’s called Rap Snacks. Imagine this cartoon-anime sketch of Vanilla Ice or Cardi B on a pack of chips or something, but they’re knock-offs of Cheetos or Lays or whatever. It’s like the super-hydrogenated version of the already-hydrogenated. They’re bright colors and the cheapest possible gauge of the foil packaging. And it’s sold for 99 cents.

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I’ve never seen them anywhere else in the world other than in liquor stores. And this sort of product quality is consistent across the majority of the products—inferior quality products at inflated prices. The stores, on average, gross around $400,000 per year in a neighborhood where the median income is about $14-15,000 per year. The store owners are 100 percent Middle-Eastern Americans, and the neighborhood is well over 90 percent African-American. None of the store owners live in the neighborhood.

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HUZENIS: Within the book, you talk about how you intend to use

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